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Ask the Children What America's Children Really Think About Working Parents by Ellen Galinsky
Here is important news for the millions
of parents struggling to manage work and family, says Ellen Galinsky in
this extraordinary study--the first comprehensive study ever conducted
that asks children and parents for their views on work and family life
today. The responses she has gleaned from in-depth interviews and nationally
representative surveys of children and parents are surprising, useful and
guaranteed to break the frantic cycle of guilt and stress that often traps
parents.
Five years in the making, the Ask
the Children study questions accepted thinking on such issues as quality
time vs. quantity time, how mothers parent their children compared to fathers,
how much children really know about the daily lives of parents at work,
how much parents like their work, what messages we're sending children
about work, and much more. For example, while many parents worry that they
may not be spending enough time with their children, time is not at the
top of children's lists when they are asked to name their one wish for
changing how their parents' work affects their lives. And while the debate
rages about whether mothers' working is good or bad for children, it turns
out that children learn more about the world of work from their mothers
than they do from their fathers.
For the first time, parents will
hear children's perceptions and opinions--both reassuring and insightful--on
these and many other topics. They'll see stereotypes blown and politically
correct ideas challenged. They'll hear parents and children talking about
what works to keep families close and why. They'll find practical advice
for a better family life and a brilliant new set of operating principles
to help them feel more in command and control at work and at home.
As the century closes on a generation
of working parents, we have a unique opportunity to view how far we have
come as families and to chart the course ahead.
Ask the Children
provides a positive basis for understanding our past and is a point of
departure for our future.
Author
Ellen Galinsky is
cofounder and president of the Families and Work Institute, a Manhattan-based
nonprofit center for research on the changing family, workplace, and community.
A leading authority and speaker on work-family issues, she serves on many
commissions and task forces and has worked with many companies in the United
States and abroad. For twenty-five years she was on the faculty at the
Bank Street College of Education, where she helped institute the field
of work and family life. Her ground-breaking studies make nationwide headlines
again and again. Recent studies include Women: The New Providers (1995)
and the 1997 update of the National Study of the Changing Workforce, updated
every five years. She is the author of sixteen books, including
The
Preschool Years (coauthored with Judy David) and The Six Stages
of Parenthood. She lives with her family in upstate New York.
Why have we never asked children about how they feel about
working parents? Yes, of course, they tell us, from time to time, whether
we want to hear from them or not. But why is it that whenever I mention
that we are studying children's views of their employed parents, parents
inevitably respond, "I wonder what my children would say?" They wonder
because they have never asked.
Why has a book like this one never been written, a comprehensive
study like the one I have conducted, never been done? After all, increasingly
dual-earner families have become the norm. In all this time, have we not
wanted to know what our children think?
The parents who first wonder what their children would
say, just as inevitably stop short and add, "I don't know if I want to
know." "I would feel too guilty." "My child might say awful things about
me." And for many mothers: "My child might tell me to stop working--to
stay home."
Yet there is curiosity: "Don't tell me about what my own
children say, but do tell me about what other people's children think."
Although many of us probably have not asked our own children,
we are ready to listen. Over the years that I have worked on issues of
work and family life, I have seen an evolution in our interest in understanding
social change. At different times, there is a "societal readiness" to take
on certain issues. I believe that we are ready to listen because it is
finally the right time. More importantly, we are ready to listen because
we really do need to know.
Recently, the Families and Work Institute cohosted a meeting
of business leaders at which a leading neuroscientist, Harry Chugani of
Wayne State University, presented an overview of what we know about the
brain development of young children. He showed slides revealing that the
brain of the child is wired by experience, both positive and negative.
There were several other presentations, and then a strong discussion among
the business leaders present. As the meeting was wrapping up, the moderator
asked the audience, "What should the business community do in response
to this information about the brain development of young children?" The
room stilled; the heated discussion of moments before seemed frozen in
time. Finally, Faith Wohl, president of the Child Care Action Campaign,
broke the silence. "For the twenty years that I worked for a corporation,"
she began, "whenever the topic turned to the business community's responsibility
for young children, we would say, 'That's the government's role.' Then
I went to work for the federal government, and there we would say, 'It's
the business community's role.' This subject is a hot potato, passed from
unwilling player to unwilling player. And it is because we are still ambivalent
about whether or not mothers should work."
Yet our feelings about whether or not mothers should work
have changed over the past 30 years. They have changed because of what
I think of as a national conversation about mothers' and fathers' roles
in work and family life. Including children and their views of their working
parents is the logical next step in this conversation.
Why do I call it a conversation? Essentially because the
debate about the changing roles of women and men has taken place publicly.
A controversial or tragic occurrence--a school shooting, a study, a book,
a television show, a custody case, a trial--will arise that captures the
public's attention because it presents a topic about which we are unsure
or strongly divided. This topic will be widely discussed--at gatherings
at work, around our kitchen tables, at parties with our friends and neighbors.
One can almost chart the course of evolving public opinion by looking at
these incidents.
Importantly, the conversation thus far has hinged on an
either/or premise. I've found, however, that bringing both children
and parents into the picture moves us beyond a black-and-white view.
THE ONGOING DEBATE ABOUT CHILDREN AND PARENTAL EMPLOYMENT
Is having a working mother good or bad for children?
The debate in the 1960s centered on the question, Is having a working mother
good or bad for children? It was first fueled by studies of children in
orphanages showing that children separated from their mothers for long
periods and raised in environmentally depressed conditions failed to thrive,
even though they received adequate physical care. Some social scientists
and experts drew the conclusion that therefore mothers' working was bad
for children.' This opinion was countered by a number of researchers who
said that the prolonged separation from mothers of children in an orphanage
and the daily separations involved in child care could not be compared;
therefore the jury was out on working mothers.
Between the 1960s and the late 1980s, a number of reviews
of the research showed that there was little reason to be concerned about
older children whose mothers worked. Although the public didn't necessarily
agree, the public debate then shifted to infants. In 1988--perhaps not
so coincidentally the very first year that a majority of mothers of infants
were in the work force--Jay Belsky of Pennsylvania State University reported
that a few studies indicated that infants whose mothers worked more than
20 hours a week in their child's first year of life were less likely to
become securely attached to their mothers? Since insecure attachments have
been shown to lead to developmental problems in older children, and since
some studies indicated that children with early experiences in child care
were more aggressive, a public alarm was sounded.
Researchers immediately lined up on both sides of this
issue on the talk shows, and articles were published pro and con. Ultimately,
the National Academy of Sciences convened a meeting bringing together what
was informally called "the warring parties in the debate." This meeting
led to a longitudinal study in the 1990s of approximately 1300 children
from ten communities by ten teams of researchers funded by the National
Institute of Child Health and Human Development(NICHD).
Can mothers who work have just as good relationships
with their children as mothers at home? How do working parents feel
about this issue? In our Ask the Children study, we asked a representative
group of employed parents how strongly they agreed or disagreed with the
following statement: "A mother who works outside the home can have just
as good a relationship with her children as a mother who does not work."
Overall, 76 percent of employed parents agree somewhat or strongly with
this statement. One would expect employed parents to endorse their own
lifestyle, but it is noteworthy that one in four parents disagrees.
Who are these parents who disagree? Fathers are much more
likely to disagree (30 percent) than mothers (18 percent). However, there
are no differences between fathers and mothers in dual-earner couples on
this issue, whereas--as one might expect--there are large differences between
fathers with employed spouses and those with spouses at home.
Among all family types, employed mothers who are single
parents are the most likely to agree that mothers who work can have just
as good relationships with their children as mothers who are at home. In
fact, 90 percent agree with this statement. Thus, mothers who have little
or no choice about working are the most adamant in their belief that mothers'
working doesn't harm the mother-child relationship.
Over time, there has been a steady increase in the number
of people who feel that employed mothers can have just as good a relationship
with their children as at-home mothers. I attribute this largely to the
gradual social and cultural change as women have moved into the work force
in larger and larger numbers and as families have become more dependent
on their income. Twenty years ago, the same question was included in the
1977 Quality of Employment Survey conducted for the Department of Labor.
Among all employees--whether or not they are parents--the number climbed
from 58 percent who agreed in 1977 to 67 percent in 1997, according to
the Families and Work Institute's 1997 National Study of the Changing Workforce
conducted by researchers Terry Bond and Jennifer Swanberg, and me.
In fact, one working mother we interviewed for the Ask
the Children study said:
"I've seen growth in [my daughter] and I think a lot
of that has to do with my own growth, and I think a lot of my own growth
has to do with the fact that I had that extension of my life in the world
of working I may have had other interests and done other things had I not
worked and been a stay-at-home mom, but I think I gained more and was able
to give more to her as a result of having that amount of independence in
my own life."
Is this mother speaking from experience or is this wishful
thinking? The research shows that parents are speaking from experience.
The most definitive study on the subject, conducted by the NICHD research
team, found that mothers' working and a child's being in child care in
themselves do not affect the bond between the mother and the child. It
is very simple. Infants are more likely to be securely attached to their
mothers when their mothers are warm and responsive. And mothers can be
warm and responsive whether they are employed or not. A parent we interviewed
put it well:
"I think you can be just as good a parent working or
staying at home. It depends on where the parent is coming from and what
their skills are."
The NICHD study did find cases in which mothers' working
had a negative impact on the mother-child bond. This was more likely to
occur when mothers were less warm and responsive and when the children
experienced one or more of the following conditions: poor-quality child
care, more than minimal amounts of time in child care, or more frequent
changes in the child care arrangement.
These nuances have been largely lost in the public debate,
however, dismissed by the people who want to see maternal employment as
an either/or proposition: A working mother is either bad or
good for children. They are also dismissed by the people who see this finding
as an indictment of mothers who stay at home: If working doesn't harm children,
then what's the justification for staying at home? Mothers at home will
say that they know that their being at home has been good for their
children. And typically they are right' Typically, so are the mothers who
say that their working has been good for their children. Because it is
not an either/or proposition. It depends on the people and the circumstances
of their lives. And what's right for one person may not be right for another.
So, although the debate to this point has assumed an either/or
stance, the research indicates that "it depends"--on the quality of care
the child receives at home and on the child's experiences in child care.
Is it better if men earn money and women care for the
home and children? Breadwinning is another highly charged issue in
the debate about parents' roles. So we asked parents to respond to the
statement 'It is much better for everyone involved if the man earns the
money and the woman takes care of the home and the children." Fifty-one
percent of employed parents somewhat or strongly agree.
Again, employed fathers are more likely to support this
statement than employed mothers. The difference, however; is not between
fathers and mothers in dual-earner families. It is fathers with wives at
home who feel most strongly about this statement.
One might ask, Why is there such strong support for the
traditional family when fewer and fewer families are living that way? Among
married fathers in the labor force, the proportion with employed wives
had climbed from 49 percent in 1977 to 67 percent by 1997. Arlene Skolnick,
a family historian at the University of California at Berkeley, argues
that in any period of social transformation such as the one we are in at
the advent of the twenty-first century, people look at the recent past
with nostalgia. They grasp at old images before developing new ways of
handling reality.
I believe that the views of employed parents are more
complicated than those who would interpret this finding as a call for mothers
to leave the work force and return home realize. Why? Because my study
also finds that more than seven in ten employed mothers and fathers agree
that it would be OK for the woman to be the economic provider and the man
to be the nurturer. Most employed parents are not simply endorsing the
traditional family; add up to 100 percent due to rounding. rather; they
seem to be yearning for a less stressful life. It certainly seems as if
both mothers and fathers would like someone at home who cares for
them and the children.
MOVING BEYOND THE EITHER/OR DEBATE
As you can see, our national debate about working and
children has been conducted as if the answer is either yes or no, as if
one path is inherently good and the other bad. But more than four decades
of research has shown that reality is not so simple. Outcomes for children
"depend" primarily on what parents do with their children when they are
together and secondarily on what happens to the children when they are
away from their parents.
Until now, the language that we have used to describe
work and family life similarly has been either/or language. Implicit in
this way of speaking is the notion that work and family are "separate,
non-overlapping worlds." In 1997, Rosalind Barnett of Brandeis University
wrote that we have to move beyond the notion of separate spheres toward
understanding that work and family are inextricably interconnected, and
that, in fact, multiple roles can energize rather than deplete us.
There is also an either/or notion of balancing work and
family, which has been endlessly promulgated in books and other media.
Balancing connotes a set of scales. If one side is up, the other side is
down. The goal, as working parents typically see it, is to keep both sides
even or equal. Although the notion of balance is correct in considering
both work and family on the same continuum, the connections are more dynamic
than balance implies. Both sides can be up and both sides can be down.
What works for one person doesn't work for another.
Finally, there is the concept of quality time versus quantity
time. This concept implies that either the amount of time or
the quality of time is more important. Yet, as you will see, this study
of parents and children makes it very evident that one can't separate the
amount of time from what happens during that time.
When we ask the children, not only are we able to see
what we do in a new way, we also reframe the debate. In the chapters that
follow, I will suggest a new language to describe today's realities and
new ways of handling them. Asking the children is clearly the next step
in what has been an ongoing national conversation. From my many discussions
with parents across the country, I believe that we are ready to listen
to children and in so doing to embrace a more accurate and more empowering
view.
ASK THE CHILDREN is the first book to ask children what they really
think of working parents. Based on a nationally representative survey of
more than 1,000 children 8 through 18 years old, author Ellen Galinsky
explores the key issues of work and family life today with children from
all kinds of backgrounds – children in dual earner families, single parent
employed families and traditional families. In addition, she conducted
a representative survey of more than 600 employed mothers and employed
fathers with children birth through 18 as well as in-depth interviews with
close to 175 children and parents in 15 states. Their answers are illuminating,
not frightening, and help us reframe the debate about work and family and
offer new ways to think about and "live" work and family that are more
successful than many of our current attempts to balance the two.
ASK THE CHILDREN is filled with hundreds of remarkable insights and
findings about work and family life in America, many of them good news
for working parents. However, some of the findings really stand out and
will make headlines when the book is published. Included among these important
and surprising findings are:
More time is NOT on the top of children’s wish list for employed
parents
Children were asked if they were granted one wish to change the
way their mother’s/their father’s work affect their life, what would that
wish be.
Employed parents were also asked to guess what their children’s wish
would be. Most employed parents (56%) guessed their children would want
more time with them.
Surprisingly, most children didn’t wish for more time. Most children
wish their parents would be less stressed and less tired by work.
34% of children make this wish for their mothers and 27.5% make this
wish for their fathers.
Surprisingly, only 2% of employed parents guess that their children
would wish that they be less stressed and tired.
In contrast, only 10% of children wish that their mothers would spend
more time with them and 15.5% say the same thing about their fathers.
A majority of children think they have enough time with their
employed parents 67%, of children ages 8 through 18 feel they have enough time with
their employed mothers and 60% say they have enough time with their employed
fathers.
It is older children more than younger children who don’t feel they
have enough time with their parents and they especially feel they don’t
have enough time with their fathers.
Children with employed mothers and those with mothers at home
do NOT differ on whether they feel they have too little time with their
mothers.It is the relationship mothers establishes with her children that
matters, not whether or not she works.
Throughout the study, Galinsky found that having a working mother
is never once predictive of how children assess their mothers’ parenting
skills.
In fact, children don’t seem to be questioning whether or not
their mothers workOut of 265 written responses from children in response to the question,
what would you like to tell the working parents of America, only 5 children
(2%) say "stay home." However, many children worry about their parents, mainly because
they are stressed.32% of children say they worry about their parents "very often"
or "often." When the "sometimes" response is added, the percentage goes
up to 65%.
Children say they worry because they care, but also because their
parents are very stressed.
Children don’t think parents like their work as much as parents
say they do41% of children say their fathers like their work a lot. By comparison
60% of fathers with children 8 through 18 say they like their work a lot.
42% of children think their mothers like their work a lot compared
with 69% of mothers.
That is not only because many parents tend to tell their children
bad things that happened to them at work but also because they do not explain
the reasons – other than financial – why they work.
Children learn more about the world of work from their mothers
than from their fathersMost parents are doing well, according to their kids.While the public in recent polls has expressed a great deal of
concern about the quality of parenting children receive, most children
assess their parents positively on 12 different parent skills. About 10%
to 15% of parents are typically seen as not doing so well.
There are some areas of concern. Less than one third of parents are
seen very positively by teenagers when it comes to controlling their tempers
when their child does something that upsets them. Perhaps this is an indication
that the stress at work is spilling over into family life.
About one third of teenagers also feel that their parents don’t really
know what is going on in their child’s life – an issue that is also cause
for concern.
Parents feel more successful at home than at work44% of working parents feel "very" successful as a parent while
only 32% feel "very" successful at work. Clearly this and other findings
from the study indicates that although parents are working long hours,
most are also doing all they can to be with their children and this contributes
to their feelings of success as a parent. "Most employed parents are not
drive-by parents." Work can spill over into family life in negative ways46% of employed parents report negative spillover from work to
home saying that over the past three months, he or she often, very often
or sometimes has not had the energy to do things with his or her child
because of the job. Parents who have reasonable demands, good quality jobs ( including
job autonomy), jobs that enable them to focus on their work, and the support
of co-workers and supervisors are likely to be energized by workThese parents are more likely to have better interaction with their
children, affecting their children’s development in positive ways.
These parents are also more likely to have parenting energize them
at work.
71% of employed parents say that they have been in a good mood at
work because of their children. While we tend to focus on the harm that
negative experiences can have, when work is positive it affects parents’
mood and energy, their interaction with their children and even their children’s
development. The bottom line is that good experiences at work flow into
good experiences at home, which pay dividends back at work.